Día 3: Según los expertos, el comercio es parte de la respuesta en la lucha
contra un desempleo sin precedentes
Ginebra, Suiza, 27 de septiembre del 2012.- El último día del Foro Público 2012, un panel de
alto nivel convino en que el comercio propicia la creación de empleo, pero el
empleo no se crea solo con comercio. Incumbe a los gobiernos establecer los
mecanismos internos adecuados para favorecer la creación de empleo y la
distribución de los ingresos. Se concluyó que era conveniente una mayor
cooperación y coherencia a nivel internacional entre el programa de comercio y
el de empleo.
WTO Deputy
Director-General Rufus Yerxa, moderator of the panel, said that "for many
governments, employment is now the top priority — in this context, the question
of the role of trade is of crucial importance".
He said
that many WTO members are "expressing concern that political pressures to
preserve jobs may fuel protectionist actions, and that these actions may
actually jeopardize the prospects for longer term growth".
His
questions to the panellists included: "What is the effect of trade on jobs
in developing and developed countries? What complementary policies are needed
to ensure that trade reform actually translates into economic growth, high
productivity and more jobs? How can the multilateral system contribute to boost
growth and employment?"
Mr Alberto
Trejos, Professor of Economics at INCAE Business School and former Trade
Minister of Costa Rica, cautioned against "overreacting" to the
potential of trade to influence the number of jobs. He said that where trade
can make a difference is on the quality of jobs, especially if complemented by
sound domestic policies. Additionally, a good trade policy can help in the
acceleration of job creation.
Mr John
Evans, General Secretary of the Trade Union Advisory Committee to the OECD,
said that one factor in the current crisis was an imbalance between growth and
social policies, as growth was not matched by an equitable distribution of its
gains. Even worse, now we have collective austerity measures, weakening
collective bargaining and lowering wages. The question is how to make better
trade policies and reach a better globalization balance.
Mr Yogendra
K. Modi, board member of the International Organisation of Employers and Chairman and CEO of Great Eastern Energy Corporation, said that
India saw the benefits of trade when its economy was opened in 1991 and growth
expanded rapidly. Countries must be competitive, and imports are as important
as exports. Multilateral agreements are essential. In the context of the Doha
Round, to a businessman, the policy of agreeing either to everything or to
nothing makes no sense. Smaller, weaker countries must be included in all
discussions. Blaming the WTO or trade for a country’s internal problems is
wrong – one can only help oneself.
Senator
Ricardo Lagos of Chile said that trade can cushion the effects of the crisis on
jobs by generating growth, which, in turn, leads to job creation. However, in
most cases, there is a missing link: how do you integrate domestic and labour
policies with trade policy so that more trade effectively leads to more jobs?
Mr Stephen
Pursey, Director, Policy Integration Department and Senior Advisor to the ILO
Director-General, said that since the onset of the crisis, global unemployment
has risen by around 30 million to over 200 million, and that 75 million of the
unemployed are young women and men. He added that ILO research had found that
the trade contraction during the global crisis has resulted in the loss of
nearly 4 million jobs in India and about 900,000 in South Africa. This was the
result of declines in exports to the EU and the US between early 2008 and early
2009. He added that there are about 60 million fewer jobs globally than in
2007.
He said an
outright global recession is likely unless the current policy thrust in the
largest economies changes. The gains from globalization are not distributed
equally, and some workers and firms may lose out in the short and medium term.
The Nordic economies, which have been open for the longest, have the most
extensive systems of social protection, developed before these economies were
rich. Education and Aid for Trade are also important. What is needed is the
integration of trade and job strategies in a major way but this would not be
easy to achieve in the present macroeconomic situation.
Sesión 30:
Emerging Powers, National Interests and the Future of Multilateralism
The session
provided an opportunity for representatives of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia,
India, China and South Africa) and Turkey to pinpoint their respective
interests in the current multilateral system and the challenges that their
countries are facing. Most speakers made a plea in favour of multilateralism
but called for a change in its current format to encompass new issues. The conclusions
revealed that a common agenda for the BRICS is yet to be outlined.
Most
panellists stressed the importance of multilateralism and the crucial role that
the WTO plays in global governance and in ensuring that the proliferation of
preferential trade agreements (PTAs) does not affect BRICS economies.
Meanwhile, the trend in both Turkey and South Africa is regional economic
integration. Among the arguments against regionalism, Dr Lin Guijun,
Vice-President of the University of International Business and Economics,
pointed out its inability to protect China's trade interests since China is now
aiming for increased access to global markets. Dr Umit Ozlale, Director of the
Economic Policy Research Foundation of Turkey, said that continuing to reap the
benefits of customs unions has become a challenge for Turkey amid the
proliferation of free trade agreements (FTAs).
Despite the
overall support for multilateralism, the panel members rejected its current
format, arguing that it generates imbalances and inequalities and lags behind
in terms of development objectives. According to Mr Pedro da Motta Veiga, Director of CINDES, and Mr Bipul Chatterjee,
Deputy Executive Director of CUTS International, multilateralism should consolidate
and improve its existing set of rules and incorporate new issues such as
climate change and food security. All speakers agreed that multilateralism must
be redefined to deal with current global threats and one panellist opined that
multilateralism is in crisis, as shown by the recent global financial crisis
and the deadlock facing the negotiations.
This
"new multilateralism" would be to a large extent shaped to address
the domestic challenges facing the BRICS and Turkey. These include: fulfilling
development objectives including poverty reduction, increasing competitiveness
and productivity in manufacturing and the services sector, enhancing
coordination between the private and public sector, and protecting foreign
exchange assets.
On the
question of whether a common BRICS trade agenda can emerge, it was stated that
for now, the BRICS are signatories to a collection of bilaterals. Future
challenges include agreeing on trade data, trade facilitation, small and medium
enterprises development concerns, investment, cooperation on technology transfer,
intellectual property and finance issues. On a possible BRICS common strategy
for Africa, Ms Catherine Grant, Programme Head at the South African Institute
of International Affairs, said that it depends on how South Africa plays its
role as it is often pulled in to being Africa's representative in the
international arena. While there is room for coalitions among emerging powers,
she argues, whether they will influence the multilateral space remains to be
seen.
Sesión 31:
Is a Multilateral Approach to Fair Trade Possible? The Parliamentarian Point of
View
The session
opened with remarks from Mr Mbuku Laka, Vice President of the Assemblée
Parlementaire de la Francophonie (APF) Commission on Cooperation and
Development, who gave his perspectives on the development of fair trade in his
home country, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), as well as that of
the APF in exploring it as an option in francophone Africa. His brief
presentation covered two overarching themes: the difficulties that a heterogeneous
approach to fair trade poses to African countries; and the need to support and
protect "food sovereignty".
According
to Mr Laka, African countries such as the DRC face great difficulties in
developing fair trade and organic crops. As standards are not harmonized,
producers find it costly to take the necessary measures to become certified.
These challenges were echoed by an NGO representative working with farmers in
West Africa. Mr Laka suggested a new approach was needed to ensure standards
were more accessible, including efforts to further institutionalize these
systems.
Mr Laka
regularly referred to "food sovereignty" as a major concern for his
country and others in Africa. He said that rapid liberalization of agricultural
markets can lead to insecure conditions for countries like the DRC to meet its
own needs. He suggested that fair trade could be used as a way to give
producers greater income, thereby ensuring the means to achieve "food
sovereignty".
Mr Germinal
Peiro, Member of the National Assembly of France, focused his presentation on
the French consumer experience with fair trade and organic products. He echoed Mr Laka's call for "food
sovereignty" and the need for countries to be able to feed their own
populations. Mr Peiro highlighted the
environmental concerns that agriculture faces and also the role it plays in
exacerbating the degradation of habitats, particularly through the
contamination of waterways. He called for a more locally based form of food
production and consumption in light of dwindling fossil fuel supplies, while
also underlining the need for more accurate and transparent labelling systems.
As the
moderator, Mr Hervé Cronel, Special Adviser in the Cabinet of the
Secretary-General of la Francophonie, fielded the audience's questions. One
participant claimed that organic agriculture actually harmed the environment
when compared with conventional methods. Mr Peiro defended organic agriculture,
particularly its ability to reduce chemical run-off into waterways, while the
moderator cited Brazil as an example of supporting both large-scale and
small-scale farming techniques.
Sesión 32:
Managing Conflict in the WTO Without Formal Disputes: Enhancing the Use of
Notifications and Specific Trade Concerns
In this
session, transparency and surveillance were discussed as forms of conflict
management in international trade.
Focusing on technical and sanitary regulations, the panel examined how
certain transparency measures work at the committee level in the broader
context of WTO dispute settlement and negotiations.
The panel
built upon the conventional notion of periodic negotiation rounds, in between
which trade rules take root through WTO dispute settlement. The session viewed the work of committees as
a corollary to these WTO activities, stressing in particular notification and
transparency mechanisms used in the context of technical and sanitary regulations
under the Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) and Sanitary and Phytosanitary
(SPS) Agreements. Panellists examined how transparency measures work, the way
they are utilized by WTO members, and their nature in the context of dispute
settlement.
"Notification"
finds expression in varying forms under WTO agreements, creating reporting
obligations for actions affecting other WTO members. Within the great volume of
notifications to committees, "specific trade concerns" (STCs) are
raised by members on matters of special interest within the purview of WTO
agreements. Based on the extremely small fraction of such matters reaching
formal dispute settlement, the discussion turned to the role of transparency in
resolving potential disagreements.
Data
compilations of STCs and notifications under the SPS and TBT Agreements showed
that almost one-third of STCs reached "resolution" under the SPS
Agreement, while roughly one-fifth were resolved under the TBT Agreement. These findings were qualified, however, by definitional
caveats and analytical assumptions, and the panel questioned the
"resolution" of matters by posing alternative explanations to the
lack of formal adjudication involving political considerations between and
within member states.
While it
was agreed that notifications enhance transparency, panellists acknowledged
that what is not notified remains untransparent. In this respect, "reverse
notification" by members of undisclosed measures was mentioned and the
panel explored the differing incentives for notification and concealment
between agreements, specifically mentioning subsidies. Ultimately, the topic
was taken to illustrate a change in perspective towards the WTO from
negotiation and dispute settlement, signalling the value of committee review processes
and an optimistic tone in response to questions of multilateral crisis.
Sesión 34:
The Role of Non-State Actors in WTO Dispute Settlement: Fostering Effective
Public Private Collaboration in Support of Global Trade Governance
The session
revolved around the indirect participation of non-state actors (NSAs) in
intergovernmental WTO dispute settlement proceedings. The panel highlighted
NSAs' contribution, and agreed that NSA participation should be further
enhanced through increased transparency and access.
The panel
brought together representatives of different NSAs and analysed the
contribution of NSAs to WTO dispute settlement, placing a special focus on
private actors such as business associations, traders or specific domestic
interest groups. The debate hinged upon private actors' contribution, which
ranges from the identification of the trade barrier and requesting the
initiation of a dispute to the defence of the strategic interests of the WTO
member involved in litigation or in implementing rulings.
Discussants
examined the different channels through which NSAs intervene: direct channels
through legal and diplomatic means; or indirect channels, such as lobbying and
the use of the media. The discussion revolved around the strategic
considerations that come into play when choosing direct or indirect channels.
While governments produce norms such as subsidies which sometimes impair
business and trade, they are also part of a company's customer portfolio.
Companies'
integration in global supply imposes the need for dealing with governments in a
manner that goes beyond the protection of domestic interests. Therefore,
private companies are more likely to use indirect channels of access to WTO
litigation and work through trade coalitions or sectoral associations in order
to avoid being singled out as the company behind a WTO dispute in the event of
retaliation. Despite the fact that companies may not use proactively the WTO
dispute settlement mechanism, it was emphasized that they nonetheless highly value
the fact that countries in which they invest form part of the WTO membership.
This implies that all WTO commitments are legally enforceable via the dispute
settlement mechanism.
The panel
highlighted the particular challenges faced by developing countries involved in
a dispute when it comes to meeting demands of different NSAs, such as
increasing production, foreign direct investment and employment. A further
challenge is to ensure that the media and NGOs conduct adequate and timely
press coverage at all stages of the proceedings. Adequate information
dissemination has an impact on civil society's understanding of a dispute. The
discrepancy between the systemic interest of the party involved in the dispute
in bringing the measure into conformity and the business interest geared
towards an “immediate” settlement for the past damage done is also one issue
that needs to be carefully managed by governments at the implementation stage.
Governments have to educate private actors about the aims and objectives of WTO
dispute settlement.
The panel
shared the view that NSA participation constitutes an effective tool to defend
members' interests and that it should be further enhanced through increased
transparency and access to dispute settlement proceedings.
Sesión 35:
The Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures: Past, Present and
Future
The session
discussed the various challenges for the WTO's subsidies disciplines in the
future. Discussion revolved around the need to ensure that WTO members have
adequate policy space to address political and economic issues, such as climate
change, macroeconomic emergencies and the interests of developing countries,
while also ensuring that rent-seeking through protectionism is curtailed. In
this context, participants asked whether it was necessary to revise the
Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM), to leave it to the
dispute settlement system to grapple with the difficult policy issues, or
whether the attention of participants in the system should shift to meaningful
discussions through the SCM Committee.
Mr Gary
Horlick, from the Law Offices of Gary N. Horlick, provided a brief overview of
the development of the subsidies disciplines in the Tokyo Round Code and the
Uruguay Round SCM Agreement. He noted that the SCM Agreement appears to have
weathered the challenge of the global financial crisis comparatively well, in
the sense that governments did not resort to the use of explicit export
subsidies. However, he acknowledged that the SCM Agreement was not as
successful in restraining the use of import substitution subsidies He also
noted that, although the aftermath of the global financial crisis resulted in
government bail-outs around the world, only in isolated cases has such action
been challenged by other WTO members.
Dr Sadeq
Bigdeli, Senior Lecturer in Law at the University of Waikato, New Zealand,
discussed the changing ways in which subsidies have been imagined over time,
which he saw as being linked to changing ideological notions as to the proper role
of government in a market economy. He argued that the jurisprudence on the
meaning of "benefit" fails to acknowledge the role of government in
addressing market failure and may also run the risk of encouraging rent-seeking
behaviour in the form of unwarranted use of countervailing measures. In his
view, the objective of the SCM Agreement should be to strike a balance between
legitimate government activities and the curtailment of protectionism.
Dr Luca
Rubini, Reader in Law at Birmingham Law School, posed the question whether,
assuming that public support satisfying certain conditions is desirable in the
area of climate change, the SCM Agreement gives WTO members sufficient policy
space to pursue climate change measures that are legitimate from a policy and
economic perspective. He pointed to several respects in which the
interpretation of terms in the SCM Agreement is unclear: e.g. how to determine
whether tax and regulatory incentives are covered by the SCM Agreement, how to
approach the question of "benefit" in particular situations where
markets are distorted or the purpose of the government intervention is to
correct market failure, and the rules on specificity. As to the future
regulation of climate change subsidies, he hoped to see a revival of the idea
that certain subsidies that satisfy agreed conditions should be permitted even
if they cause trade distortions as well as institutional reforms promoting
better transparency. He argued that WTO members should assume responsibility
for these issues, and that leaving their resolution to the dispute settlement
system was not optimal.
Professor
Dukgeun Ahn, Professor of International Trade Law and Policy at the Graduate
School of International Studies, Seoul National University, noted that the
provisions concerning countervailing measures in the SCM Agreement essentially
permit an importing member to pass judgment on the policy actions of the
exporting member. This can be problematic where governments provide indirect
subsidies in macroeconomic emergencies, as demonstrated by the countervailing
duty action taken by the United States, the European Union and Japan against
Hynix following the Asian financial crisis. In his view, the SCM Agreement
disciplines were not devised for macroeconomic emergencies and, given the
likelihood that such emergencies will become more commonplace, this poses
challenges for the future.
Sesión 36:
Trade and Public Policies: NTMs in the 21st Century
The session
presented an interdisciplinary analysis of non-tariff measures (NTMs). NTMs and
services regulation are the main topic of the World Trade Report (WTR) 2012.
Starting from the findings of the WTR 2012, the panellists discussed the main
challenges for international cooperation and trade raised by NTMs.
The
analysis in the WTR 2012, presented by Mr Cosimo Beverelli, WTO, highlighted
several critical factors regarding NTMs:
NTMs have two purposes: they meet a
legitimate policy objective and they restrict trade. From this dual nature
arises the need for tight legal analysis. Ms Gabrielle Marceau, WTO, presented
the legal techniques to assess the legitimacy of public policy objectives. The
WTO's Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) Agreement and the WTO Sanitary and
Phytosanitary Measures (SPS) Agreement represent a more flexible system than
the GATT's closed list of legitimate objectives.
Transparency of NTMs is an issue. Professor
Robert Wolfe, Queen's University, Canada, detailed the need for transparency
from governments (to implement surveillance), firms (to overcome uncertainty
which acts as a gigantic tariff for small firms) and analysts.
Private standards proliferation. Ms
Gretchen Stanton, WTO, documented how the private sector is not moving towards
harmonization and pointed out the difficulties that this trend poses for
developing countries' exporters. She argued how the rationale behind
proliferation is the need for firms to differentiate. She stressed the positive
side of private standards: their very prescriptive nature may help a new
exporter to enter the international market.
Regulation of NTMs. Mr Mombert Hoppe, World
Bank, developed this theme, distinguishing between three levels of regulation:
global, regional and domestic. A regulatory reform should select the adequate
level according to the specific needs (competitiveness/governance etc.) and the
particular stage of development.
The
discussion focused mainly on legal issues (the tuna-dolphin case providing an
interesting application of many theoretical points touched upon during the
presentation) and private standards (customers' need to distinguish and the
problem of misleading labels).
Sesión 37:
Services Regulation in a Globalizing Context
The session
looked at possible avenues for the liberalization of trade in services and
mainly revolved around the issue of domestic regulation.
The
panellists shared the view that domestic regulation in services pursued various
legitimate policy objectives and that the lack of sound domestic regulation of
services had negative effects. As a
result, it was argued that further negotiations should concentrate on
re-regulation rather than de-regulation.
Professor
Markus Krajewski, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität, suggested that a paradigm
shift in services negotiations is needed: from disciplining to promoting
domestic regulations. He suggested that an alternative approach to services
negotiations should include the development of standard policy instruments for
regulation, focusing on sectors/modes, incorporating regulatory standards in
model schedules, reaching out to international organizations and private
standards, setting initiatives to encourage "good regulation" and
supplementing "Aid for Trade" with "Aid for Regulation".
Dr Marion
Jansen, International Labour Organization, criticized the current approach of
including regulatory measures as limitations in the schedules of commitments,
creating excessive complexity for negotiators and businesses. It was also
mentioned that least-developed countries face serious difficulties in
scheduling their commitments in such a manner. Dr Jansen drew attention to the
approaches in other regulatory agreements (such as the Agreement on Technical
Barriers to Trade): transparency, references to international standards, and
promoting (mutual) recognition.
The
discussion of the use of international standards in the services field
identified possible challenges: defining legal and institutional relationships
between the WTO and standardization bodies, efforts to ensure the participation
of developing countries, the role of regulatory agencies in dispute resolution
and the assessment of the quality of regulations.
Finally, Dr
Bernard Hoekman, World Bank, emphasized the problem of the lack of information
on the constraints and effects of regulation on international trade in
services. It was argued that quite often there was a lack of information on the
regulatory framework, its application and possible options at the domestic
level. He described the efforts of the World Bank in this area and suggested
that a cautious assessment should be made of the usefulness in any given sector
and country of binding commitments as opposed to better regulation.
Sesión 38:
Are Agreements Occurring outside the Multilateral Process Helping or Hindering
Multilateralism?
Panellists
analysed the impact that agreements taking place outside the framework of the
WTO, namely bilateral, plurilateral and regional trade agreements, have on
multilateralism.
Ambassador
Fernando de Mateo, Permanent Representative of Mexico to the WTO, said that
agreements occurring outside the WTO are positive for the multilateral system
given that there is a mutual dependence between both. He stressed the fact that
these agreements permit discussions on topics that are not open to debate in
the Doha Round.
Dr
Alexander Triebnigg, President of Novartis Biociencias S.A. Brazil, gave his analysis of the positive influence
of the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement
in Brazil, and criticized some of the latest reforms.
Mr Bertrand
Moullier, Advisor at the International
Federation of Film Producers Association, spoke from the perspective of the
film industry about the importance of implementing an intellectual property
(IP) legal system that guarantees legal certainty and predictability.
Dr Xavier
Seuba, Senior Lecturer at Pompeu Fabra University, discussed the problems
encountered when IP law is exported to other legal systems, mainly due to the
imbalances that are generated. He stressed that in this regard there are limits
in implementation that cannot be surpassed.
Dr Henning
Grosse Ruse-Khan, Senior Research Fellow at the Max Planck Institute for
Intellectual Property and Competition Law, said that the TRIPS Agreement
contains minimum standards and a non-contravention test so that there is a
ceiling in implementation that cannot be exceeded. He also analysed how the
TRIPS Agreement is used as a framework for free trade agreements (FTAs)
including chapters on IP.
Mr Pedro
Roffe, Senior Associate at the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable
Development, argued that the proliferation of FTAs has contributed to the
expansion of TRIPS-plus obligations. He further added that the Council for
TRIPS should play a role in analysing the validity of TRIPS-plus provisions
implemented in FTAs.
Finally, Mr
Andres Guggiana, Permanent Mission of Chile to the WTO, discussed the lack of
balance in the IP legal systems of some developing countries and posed some
questions to the other panellists.
Sesión 39:
Doha and the Multilateral Trade System: From Impasse to Development?
This panel
discussed the way in which development has been addressed at various stages
over the course of the Doha Round. Critical assessments were made of the
shortcomings of negotiation proposals and the future for the development
dimensions of the trade talks.
Discussion
began with the observation that many developing countries had entered into the
Uruguay Round agreements without fully understanding the negotiation results,
and the following years were taken up with implementation concerns. Members of
the WTO have struggled since its inception with the tension between making its
rules more development-friendly and pushing further into new areas or
disciplines. For instance, whereas developing countries sought favourable
adjustments to rules in textiles and agriculture, developed countries have
often looked for expansion into areas of investment, the environment, labour,
competition and procurement. The panel identified a common situation of
developing countries being asked to surrender "policy space" in non-agricultural
market access while getting little in return in agricultural trade.
It was
stated that there is no movement in any area of the negotiations apart from
trade facilitation. Other initiatives had emerged outside the Doha framework
through preferential trade agreements and plurilateral negotiations in
services, causing concern that the results of such agreements would eventually
be multilateralized and thus escape input from developing countries. On the
topic of trade facilitation, many of the panellists asserted that these talks
were premised upon the importance of global value chains in trade. This, in
turn, drew strong misgivings from the panel that the narrative of global value
chains overstated the gains of import liberalization to developing countries,
and furthermore was directly inconsistent with developed countries' own
protectionist measures against imports.
Panellists
were therefore sceptical of calls for liberalization that did not account for
social realities and evenness of opportunity in trade rules. Proposals on import facilitation and General
Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) rules on financial services were further
criticized for being based on discredited assumptions on the relationship
between deregulation and development. It
was thus broadly agreed that trade negotiations cannot focus exclusively on
free trade, but must seek balance with human rights and sustainability.
Fuente: OMC